Friday, 30 October 2015

Cartels rule the water world

"Cartels rule the water world" 
- in Kibera it is the illegal water businesses that people rely on to survive... it is a matter of life and death (May, 2014)

http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/kibera-cartel-with-a-thirst-for-easy-cash/
After exploring the challenges women face in Kibera, Kenya, in my previous post, through my research I found an article online that drew my attention, with the headline "Kenyan Women pay the price for slum water "mafias"". I therefore thought this would an interesting topic to write about, and a nice continuation of this geographical area that is subjected to poor water access.

It is clear that in Kibera the commodification of water and it being open to markets has further exacerbated the water crisis and increased the presence of water cartels. Academics refer to it as corruption but residents call it cartels that are becoming increasingly prevalent in poor informant settlements (UNDP, 2011). Water cartels are known to have collusive price settings that tend to be arranged with utility officials, in order to create artificial prices and generate profits. This consequently restricts competition of water supply sources due to the dominance of these local gangs.

In addition, many of these illegal cartels use pipes that are low quality, cheap pipes mainly made out of plastic and are very fragile and therefore break easily. This subsequently increases the risk of contaminated water, as it can get into contact with sewage/waste, toxic residuals and residents are therefore more prone to developing infectious diseases and infections.

Unfortunately, a large proportion of the residents within these informal settlements have no choice but to engage with these local water vendors and illegal cartels, such as the Mungiki group, as there is a lack of alternative options (Beisheim & Liese, 2014:122). It is clear that informal settlements are considered "stateless locations" due to the local government's negligence in providing efficient water resources management, resulting in inadequate water supply. This is because the local government refuse to accept the existence of these slums and are against developing and allowing these settlements to grow (Crow, 2009:2). It also would require a huge public sector investment to build a network and connect these slums to the main water supplies.

So how are water cartels linked to women? Once again, women are most dependent on these water "mafias"and cartels, as they are primarily responsible for managing and collecting water for household consumption.

For example:

Liz Olivier (27)- fills her jerry cans from a large black water tank owned by a cartel just a few steps from her mud-and-metal Kibera home. She says the water's flow is irregular at best. "Often it breaks," she says, pointing at a winding plastic hose feeding into the tank. "Sometimes even for two to three days before it comes back." She says the cartel fixes leaks with rubber bands. Just in case, she always keeps four or five full jerry cans in reserve. (Patinkin, 2013)

It is clear that Liz has to be sensible and effective in regards to water management, keeping "four or five full jerry cans in reserve" to ensure that her household does not have a sudden shortage in supply. This extract shows how heavily involved women are in daily water activities and how they recognise the risks and difficulties involved in having clean, safe and regular water. Therefore I believe women should be more connected to local governance and use their experiences and stories, especially in regards to regulating the rise of water cartels and gangs, and help contribute towards establishing a more equitable and efficient distribution of water resources.

...I think it would be good if my next blogpost looked into a water management organisation in Sub-Saharan Africa, which involves women in the decision-making practices and activities...

1 comment:

  1. You've done a very nice set of posts here, highlighting the multiple ways in which 'security' is affected particularly for women in relation to water. I especially like how you have brought in some of the 'voices' of women within this reality to illustrate your arguments, which is a very useful link to set up your approach of drawing on the 'lived experience' of women and girls in defining strategies for better water management.

    One thing that might be helpful for you to think about at some point is a more general review of some of the literature on gender and water or gender and nature, which has outlined some of the multiple ways gender matters in relation to natural resources. While you have very correctly identified security concerns and women's (usually) greater responsibilities in water collection activities, you could also deepen these claims with further reflections on other connections..

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