Cartels rule the water world

"Cartels rule the water world" 

- in Kibera it is the illegal water businesses that people rely on to survive... it is a matter of life and death (May, 2014)

http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/kibera-cartel-with-a-thirst-for-easy-cash/

After exploring the challenges women face in Kibera, Kenya, in my previous post, through my research I found an article online that drew my attention, with the headline "Kenyan Women pay the price for slum water "mafias"". I therefore thought this would an interesting topic to write about, and a nice continuation of this geographical area that is subjected to poor water access.

It is clear that in Kibera the commodification of water and it being open to markets has further exacerbated the water crisis and increased the presence of water cartels. Academics refer to it as corruption but residents call it cartels that are becoming increasingly prevalent in poor informant settlements (UNDP, 2011). Water cartels are known to have collusive price settings that tend to be arranged with utility officials, in order to create artificial prices and generate profits. This consequently restricts competition of water supply sources due to the dominance of these local gangs.

In addition, many of these illegal cartels use pipes that are low quality, cheap pipes mainly made out of plastic and are very fragile and therefore break easily. This subsequently increases the risk of contaminated water, as it can get into contact with sewage/waste, toxic residuals and residents are therefore more prone to developing infectious diseases and infections.

Unfortunately, a large proportion of the residents within these informal settlements have no choice but to engage with these local water vendors and illegal cartels, such as the Mungiki group, as there is a lack of alternative options (Beisheim & Liese, 2014:122). It is clear that informal settlements are considered "stateless locations" due to the local government's negligence in providing efficient water resources management, resulting in inadequate water supply. This is because the local government refuse to accept the existence of these slums and are against developing and allowing these settlements to grow (Crow, 2009:2). It also would require a huge public sector investment to build a network and connect these slums to the main water supplies.

So how are water cartels linked to women? Once again, women are most dependent on these water "mafias"and cartels, as they are primarily responsible for managing and collecting water for household consumption.

For example:

Liz Olivier (27)- fills her jerry cans from a large black water tank owned by a cartel just a few steps from her mud-and-metal Kibera home. She says the water's flow is irregular at best. "Often it breaks," she says, pointing at a winding plastic hose feeding into the tank. "Sometimes even for two to three days before it comes back." She says the cartel fixes leaks with rubber bands. Just in case, she always keeps four or five full jerry cans in reserve. (Patinkin, 2013)

It is clear that Liz has to be sensible and effective in regards to water management, keeping "four or five full jerry cans in reserve" to ensure that her household does not have a sudden shortage in supply. This extract shows how heavily involved women are in daily water activities and how they recognise the risks and difficulties involved in having clean, safe and regular water. Therefore I believe women should be more connected to local governance and use their experiences and stories, especially in regards to regulating the rise of water cartels and gangs, and help contribute towards establishing a more equitable and efficient distribution of water resources.

...I think it would be good if my next blogpost looked into a water management organisation in Sub-Saharan Africa, which involves women in the decision-making practices and activities...

"Water is life"- A case study of the Kibera Slums, Kenya

"In Kibera, water is life because most of the people in Kibera depend on water. As you know you can't live without water...so water is everything." 

(Lynn Seru, Kibera Girls Soccer Academy)

Today's blogpost zooms into a geographical region, which inhabits one of the biggest slums in the world, the largest in Africa and is located near downtown Nairobi, Kenya (SHOFCO). Life in Kibera is arduous and this short video illustrates how the burden of minimal water access affects women and girls disproportionately. 

What particularly resonated with me is the gender-based violence and harassment women are subjected to, when travelling long distances and fetching water at night. 

"When you come at very late hours, there are some men that usually be there. Maybe they can just rape you and you end up without water. So it is like you have get sick, you don't have water and there is nobody there to help you."

(Beatrice Awino, Kibera Girls Soccer Academy)

Gender-based violence demonstrates these unequal, power-laden gender relations within these public, urban spaces. These geographies of fear are pertinent in the Kibera slums for women, making it challenging for them to fulfil their cultural, social responsibilities. One of the girls in the video, mentions that she had to leave her water and run away from some men antagonising her, and afterwards returned with her male cousin to go back and collect the water. This indicates that these women are restricted from mobility as they live in "masculine areas" which enhances powerlessness and vulnerability (Koskela, 2003). It is therefore necessary to address these dangers and restrictions women face, as it impedes prospects of completing school and their well-being (Chant and Mcilwaine, 2013).  

Why Water & Women?

The discourse of gender is becoming more pertinent in development studies, as academics are acknowledging that you can no longer neglect the distinct differences between women and men, regarding their experiences and identities within society. By “reflecting on gender", it is evident that societal and cultural norms are important factors in determining safe access to water and sanitation. I aim to therefore explore the complexities within urban dense spaces, specifically examining the main informal settlements in Sub-Saharan Africa, such as in Kibera, Kenya.

However, before I delve into this deep and diverse topic, it is useful to gain a general understanding of the situation, in regards to international figures. For example:

• Between 2000 and 2014, more than 320 million people living in slums gained access to improved water sources, improved sanitation facilities, or durable or less crowded housing, thereby exceeding the MDG target (UN, 2014)

• These maps however, give you a spatial understanding that even though on average the MDG target has been met, on a regional dimension, Sub-Saharan Africa are still yet to meet the necessary goals and conditions for access to safe water and sanitation. (WHO & Unicef, 2014)

Due to many limitations with these target indicators, gender perspectives are not always effectively monitored and quantified. There needs to be more focus on the question of quality, affordability, equity etc. in regards to water and sanitation.

Through reviewing articles, analysing public vs. private/market strategies and drawing links between key trends in these dynamic geographical environments, I hope to paint a critical picture of the current situation and discuss the debate concerning gender vs. water/sanitation in Sub-Saharan informal settlements.