Gender mainstreaming in Water Management

Gender mainstreaming within water policy refers to when a government illustrates its intentions to address inequalities and adopt a gendered approach. The issues surrounding gender and water supply is complex and contested, revolving around education, awareness of quality water resources, economic and social structures, as well as constraints etc, within households and communities. It is clear that gender isn't just about men and women, it is also about how behaviours and identities evolve and the unequal power relations that occur. Without highlighting how gender matters in regards to these social interactions and inequalities, misconceptions will arise and voices will consequently be ignored.

It is evident there are no clear-cut solutions that address women's participation within water management. Do we need more women to reach for leadership roles and a more top-down approach to stabilise the unequal male power relations and break down gender stereotypes? Or is it important that we change mentalities and attitudes towards water usage and the ways in which water access is practiced to contribute towards more effective and equitable water management? 

Through Cleaver's research in Tanzania, it is clear that we shouldn't forget that there are many different aspects of disadvantage that can limit the ability for certain people to assert their interests in water management, such as those who are chronically poor, or those with a physical disability, spatial remoteness etc. Dikito-Wachtmeister (2000, 221) also indicates that there are levels of hierarchy even amongst women that can hinder women's chances of exercising their voice, when it comes to women's participation in water management. 

Therefore I overall agree with Cleaver (2001:38), who argues that in order to address gender, as well as other marginalised groups within water governance, we must focus on reshaping the resources in society in the interests of equity. In addition, I believe that even if there are strong efforts to incorporate gender into water management, implementation of these gendered-approached management is equally important and needs to be reinforced and effective enough to ensure sustainable governance within these African spaces (Sadhu & Chakravarty, 2012:2). 

Examples of women's participation in water management:

1) Mabule Village Sanitation Project- The department of Water and Forestry (DWAF) and Mvula Trust of South Africa, with a combined effort of government and a NGO, were able to successfully address gender issues using a gender analysis tool, raising awareness through workshops, providing training in women's leadership programmes and installing Ventilated Improved Pit (VIP) latrines to the houses in the community, against the prevailing cholera epidemic.

2) Chifamba et al (2013) study on women's participation on community management in Buhera, Zimbabwe, demonstrates that over the years there has been active efforts to involve women in participatory water-management for example, in regards to framing rules for water distribution, liaising with government agencies, overseeing construction, repair and maintenance. As a result of their involvement, women have become more confident and have been able to take control over their lives and have gained more freedom and mobility, through interacting with different stakeholders.

However Chifamba et al conclude that one of their major findings is that there is insufficient information on successful projects and there either needs to be more documentation of processes involved in ensuring effective water governance involving women, or more work in general towards this approach in water management. 

Overall gender mainstreaming ought to be considered as a predominant strategy in improving water access, as even though I think it achieves little on its own, I do think alongside other development efforts, it can contribute to better water access.

Women and Toilets: "Flush with Inequality"

After sharing CNN's article on 7 stories of African women and their personal experiences with toilets, in order to bring awareness of World Toilet day, it got me thinking more about gender perspectives of sanitation provision.

Penner (2010) discusses how toilets are a powerful symbol of inclusion and are an arena whereby distinctions in class, race, gender and religion are highlighted and contested, within built environments. Women face vulnerabilities when using public toilets as the holes at the bottom show their feet, making them more prone to attack or rape, and those who openly defecate experience a loss of dignity. 

It is clear that there have been efforts to improve public toilet access in developing areas. An example of this is the eThekwini Water and Sanitation service in Durban, South Africa, that install Urine Diversion (UD) toilets, which are dry and self-contained sanitation systems and divert urine in a separate compartment from faeces so it dries quicker. This has been an alternative solution to sewage systems that support flush toilets, as many households cannot afford to pay the associated water rates. The UD programme is low maintenance, can use nutrients from urine for fertilisers, and manages to keep faeces out of the water supply, reducing water-borne diseases (Gouden et al, 2006). However many aren't satisfied with this method of toilet use, as they object to handling their own waste and requires more effort than the "Flush and go" systems (Penner, 2014:136). The responsibility of disposing this waste and maintenance of these toilets generally tend to fall on the women in the households, in which many find it physically challenging. Furthermore, from a user point of view, many women feel that the toilet design isn't gender appropriate, as they haven't taken into consideration that men and women excrete in different ways. 

Source: http://www.susana.org/_resources/documents/default/2-911-en-poster-ud-south-africa-2005.pdf

Even though, it is undeniable the UD toilets are a step up from buckets or pit latrines, there is still a much stronger preference for flush toilets in many of these regions, as they represent a form a modernity and better quality of living. However we once again must factor women's roles as, flush systems without in-house taps will increase their workload, as they have to fetch water needed for flushing (Van de Voorden et al, 2002:4). Additionally, within South Africa, it is clear that the predominantly rich white neighbourhoods are able to gain access to flush toilets and are not expected to use UD toilets, unlike many black impoverished communities, thus highlighting how the distribution of sanitation access can also be further exacerbated by race and class.

Overall, we need to be gender and class sensitive in regards to the various elements that make provision of toilets logistically adequate enough, equitable enough and dignified enough. Lastly in order to achieve social justice, it is important to ask questions such as, what are the opportunity costs for adopting one service provision over another? Who decides what service is appropriate enough? How can we address the structural inequalities of toilet access, providing a range of options, regardless of social standing within society?

Women and the production of Water

It is clear that nowadays women are mainly considered as water consumers and lack power as influential actors within water-based management. However historically, women have had a strong contributing role in the provision of water, and Page (2005:2) states they are in fact "the makers of modern water supplies." Therefore we shouldn't disempower and exclude the contributions women have made historically towards the production of water.

I found it interesting how he provides an insight towards the historical aspects of women's participation within water supplies in Cameroon. Even though women have been minor participants in the engineering of water supplies, they have historically played a role in the decision-making process, through rituals of resistance and protests, in order to express their own interests. For example, women protested against the governments attempt to close down public taps and charge for access to water. In addition some of the more traditional protests involved nudity, and aimed to insult and challenge the men in charge. Ardener (1975: 43) states "when the women of Cameroon subject a man to such a display they demonstrate that they no longer recognize his power to elicit conformity."

Therefore even though women have historically had low status, they have had sustained enough power to influence the production and management of water.

Shiva (1998:209) also argues that for centuries before colonial times, women were water managers, but it was Western influence and industrialisation that replaced women with male-dominated managerial systems. It has also been further exacerbated by modernisation and privatisation, reinforcing this hierarchical power structure.  

Page therefore (2005) attests that in order to sustain the argument that women have generally been neglected from decision-making processes within water management, we need to highlight the differences between past and present times. By looking into past water activities, it also helps us understand the main predominant factors over the decades that have made the situation acute and how one can implement future strategies to gender balance water management. I overall agree that in order to empower women even more so, we should "publicise their achievements in places like Tombel" and give women the support to get involved and reclaim water rights (Page, 2005:24) (Singh, 1998).

Page, B. (2005). Naked Power: Women and the social production of water in Anglophone Cameroon,

In Coles, A., Wallace, T. (Eds.), Gender, water and Development. (pp. 57-74). Oxford: Berg.
Shiva. V (1988) Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, Zed Books

Toilets for the elderly and disabled

Below are stories of two women that have struggled in regards to access to public toilets, due to their physical impairment. This article on CNN highlighted to me that when we focus on gender in relation to water and sanitation, there tends to be more awareness on the negative impacts on young women and children, however there is less discourse on the struggles other marginalised women face, such as the elderly and the disabled.

For World Toilet Day last week, CNN published 7 stories of African women that speak out about their personal experiences with toilet access. I decided to choose 2 stories from a Ghanaian elderly woman and a disabled woman from Zambia.

Zenabou (83)- Lived in Kumasi without a toilet for 50 years. As she has gotten older she struggled with the distance of getting to public toilets, especially as they were not user-friendly for the elderly and the fact they were shut at 10pm. Zenabou has finally been able to get a toilet in her house, making it safe and easier for her to now use the toilet.

Susan (46)- She was attacked with Polio at the age of 2, and going to the toilet has always been challenging, especially during the rainy season, as she has to crawl to the toilets on her hands.

I found all these stories so touching and illustrates that even though progress is being made and there is more awareness towards how much a toilet affects people's lives, there is still a long way to go. 

2.3 billion people still do not have access to a safe, private toilet (Water Aid, 2015)

Click here for the full article: http://edition.cnn.com/2015/11/19/africa/gallery/world-toilet-day-stories-from-women-in-africa-gallery/

Climate Change and Safe Water

http://edition.cnn.com/2015/11/27/opinions/rall-climate-agreement-everyones-business/

Hello, i found this article on CNN, that once again talks about water issues in Kenya, however touches on the subject of climate change. It states how during the Paris Climate Change conference this year, access to clean water and human rights for women will be one of the top debates. The article smartly illustrates the circumstances of a young girl named Mathilda, that lives in Turkana, North Western Kenya, to allow the reader to empathise with the difficulties faced for these poor communities due to the rise in climate change.

"...Climate change makes certain water sources less reliable, women and girls will have to walk farther every day. And according to a recent World Bank study on Climate change, children in Africa affected by drought are less likely to complete primary school..."

It is not a man's job to fetch water.

Less than 20% of Seats in national parliaments are held by women. 

Cartoon based on an idea contributed by B. Mommen, UNICEF (WSP, 2012)

It is not a man's job to fetch water. This image illustrates how women are occupied taking part in the daily tasks of fetching water, which reinforces these notions of gendered divisions of labour in relation to water and gendered identities in relation to water management.

It is clear that you need equal participants from all different community members and a diverse range of policy makers for effective management implementation.

Take the example of the Macina Wells project in Mali:

The reason for the failure of this project was that women, who were the ones responsible for collecting water were not included in planning and they were blind to differences in gender. Therefore the equipment provided ended up being impractical for the women to use, and they ended up reverting to their own original methods for collecting water. In addition, another reason for their failure was that they didn't fulfil their management duties, because they "regarded water and sanitation as a women's business" (Parr, 2014:69).

Take another example, the water project in the Tanga region in Tanzania:

Women were not present in the planning for three reasons: 1) The meetings were held at a time that was impractical for the women to attend. 2) They were reluctant to attend because they felt the men would not take their suggestions into consideration. 3) They were not fully informed about the meetings. (Parr, 2014: 70)

Therefore this picture paints an accurate image of the general stereotypical and ignorant attitudes towards water management.

Kibera Evaluation Report

So I know I stated at the end of my previous post that I would explore the role of women in water-based management...

However, today we coincidently received an email from Ben Page telling us to take a look at UN Habitat's Integrated Water Sanitation and Waste management project publication once again, on Kibera. 

So i felt that it would be good to continue with this trend, seeing as though this region is certainly quite relevant within this discourse. Additionally, I guess it also still sticks to the plan of focusing my next post on the topic of water management.

After reading the publication, which evaluates the impact of the K-WATSAN- The Kibera Water and Sanitation project and KENSUP project- The Kenyan Slum Upgrading project, in Soweto East (see map below), it is clear that the Government of Kenya in collaboration with UN-Habitat, are addressing the key concerns towards quality of life in these informal settlements.

This study therefore involved conducting interviews, surveys and field observations, to assess the situation, impact and level of engagement in regards to project implementation and planning. It is clear that the objective of these surveys were to give the locals a voice and to consult community members, in order to ensure policies were effectively met and these measures continue to meet the needs of the residents in these slums.

Gallaher et al (2013)

From reading this publication, it seemed like they gathered positive results from the evaluative assessment. However what particularly drew my attention was that in the section analysing survey respondents, UN-Habitat disaggregated their results based on gender, putting emphasis on the importance of data collection that factors gender perspectives.

For example, Figure 6.5.3.2 illustrates the best attributes based on gender based on 381 responses, and shows that the women mentioned "community" more than men (24.6% versus 14.9%). This indicates how women in informal settlements such as Kibera, tend to have a more collective, holistic and community based viewpoint as priority. This supports why many argue that women are essential in management planning and practices in these neighbourhoods, as they are heavily involved in day to day activities and are likely to factor into consideration the needs of different groups within these communities.

All in all, one of the lessons learnt from the KENSUP and K-WATSON projects, is that there needs to be more focus on improvements in sanitation and security, which undeniably affects women considerably in these communities. Furthermore, to identify, empower and seek representatives from members of marginal groups, such as women, youth, the disabled and ethnic minorities, as they can contribute towards generating sustainable and positive outcomes in slum upgrading.

To read the full publication: http://unhabitat.org/books/kibera-integrated-water-sanitation-and-waste-management-project/

Cartels rule the water world

"Cartels rule the water world" 

- in Kibera it is the illegal water businesses that people rely on to survive... it is a matter of life and death (May, 2014)

http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/kibera-cartel-with-a-thirst-for-easy-cash/

After exploring the challenges women face in Kibera, Kenya, in my previous post, through my research I found an article online that drew my attention, with the headline "Kenyan Women pay the price for slum water "mafias"". I therefore thought this would an interesting topic to write about, and a nice continuation of this geographical area that is subjected to poor water access.

It is clear that in Kibera the commodification of water and it being open to markets has further exacerbated the water crisis and increased the presence of water cartels. Academics refer to it as corruption but residents call it cartels that are becoming increasingly prevalent in poor informant settlements (UNDP, 2011). Water cartels are known to have collusive price settings that tend to be arranged with utility officials, in order to create artificial prices and generate profits. This consequently restricts competition of water supply sources due to the dominance of these local gangs.

In addition, many of these illegal cartels use pipes that are low quality, cheap pipes mainly made out of plastic and are very fragile and therefore break easily. This subsequently increases the risk of contaminated water, as it can get into contact with sewage/waste, toxic residuals and residents are therefore more prone to developing infectious diseases and infections.

Unfortunately, a large proportion of the residents within these informal settlements have no choice but to engage with these local water vendors and illegal cartels, such as the Mungiki group, as there is a lack of alternative options (Beisheim & Liese, 2014:122). It is clear that informal settlements are considered "stateless locations" due to the local government's negligence in providing efficient water resources management, resulting in inadequate water supply. This is because the local government refuse to accept the existence of these slums and are against developing and allowing these settlements to grow (Crow, 2009:2). It also would require a huge public sector investment to build a network and connect these slums to the main water supplies.

So how are water cartels linked to women? Once again, women are most dependent on these water "mafias"and cartels, as they are primarily responsible for managing and collecting water for household consumption.

For example:

Liz Olivier (27)- fills her jerry cans from a large black water tank owned by a cartel just a few steps from her mud-and-metal Kibera home. She says the water's flow is irregular at best. "Often it breaks," she says, pointing at a winding plastic hose feeding into the tank. "Sometimes even for two to three days before it comes back." She says the cartel fixes leaks with rubber bands. Just in case, she always keeps four or five full jerry cans in reserve. (Patinkin, 2013)

It is clear that Liz has to be sensible and effective in regards to water management, keeping "four or five full jerry cans in reserve" to ensure that her household does not have a sudden shortage in supply. This extract shows how heavily involved women are in daily water activities and how they recognise the risks and difficulties involved in having clean, safe and regular water. Therefore I believe women should be more connected to local governance and use their experiences and stories, especially in regards to regulating the rise of water cartels and gangs, and help contribute towards establishing a more equitable and efficient distribution of water resources.

...I think it would be good if my next blogpost looked into a water management organisation in Sub-Saharan Africa, which involves women in the decision-making practices and activities...

"Water is life"- A case study of the Kibera Slums, Kenya

"In Kibera, water is life because most of the people in Kibera depend on water. As you know you can't live without water...so water is everything." 

(Lynn Seru, Kibera Girls Soccer Academy)

Today's blogpost zooms into a geographical region, which inhabits one of the biggest slums in the world, the largest in Africa and is located near downtown Nairobi, Kenya (SHOFCO). Life in Kibera is arduous and this short video illustrates how the burden of minimal water access affects women and girls disproportionately. 

What particularly resonated with me is the gender-based violence and harassment women are subjected to, when travelling long distances and fetching water at night. 

"When you come at very late hours, there are some men that usually be there. Maybe they can just rape you and you end up without water. So it is like you have get sick, you don't have water and there is nobody there to help you."

(Beatrice Awino, Kibera Girls Soccer Academy)

Gender-based violence demonstrates these unequal, power-laden gender relations within these public, urban spaces. These geographies of fear are pertinent in the Kibera slums for women, making it challenging for them to fulfil their cultural, social responsibilities. One of the girls in the video, mentions that she had to leave her water and run away from some men antagonising her, and afterwards returned with her male cousin to go back and collect the water. This indicates that these women are restricted from mobility as they live in "masculine areas" which enhances powerlessness and vulnerability (Koskela, 2003). It is therefore necessary to address these dangers and restrictions women face, as it impedes prospects of completing school and their well-being (Chant and Mcilwaine, 2013).  

Why Water & Women?

The discourse of gender is becoming more pertinent in development studies, as academics are acknowledging that you can no longer neglect the distinct differences between women and men, regarding their experiences and identities within society. By “reflecting on gender", it is evident that societal and cultural norms are important factors in determining safe access to water and sanitation. I aim to therefore explore the complexities within urban dense spaces, specifically examining the main informal settlements in Sub-Saharan Africa, such as in Kibera, Kenya.

However, before I delve into this deep and diverse topic, it is useful to gain a general understanding of the situation, in regards to international figures. For example:

• Between 2000 and 2014, more than 320 million people living in slums gained access to improved water sources, improved sanitation facilities, or durable or less crowded housing, thereby exceeding the MDG target (UN, 2014)

• These maps however, give you a spatial understanding that even though on average the MDG target has been met, on a regional dimension, Sub-Saharan Africa are still yet to meet the necessary goals and conditions for access to safe water and sanitation. (WHO & Unicef, 2014)

Due to many limitations with these target indicators, gender perspectives are not always effectively monitored and quantified. There needs to be more focus on the question of quality, affordability, equity etc. in regards to water and sanitation.

Through reviewing articles, analysing public vs. private/market strategies and drawing links between key trends in these dynamic geographical environments, I hope to paint a critical picture of the current situation and discuss the debate concerning gender vs. water/sanitation in Sub-Saharan informal settlements.